BURMA DIGEST

                      A Campaign Journal for Human Rights of All Ethnic Nationalities in Burma 

         06.08.2006  

 

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Woes of NCGUB; and their Explanations

 

A government is a government, either it be in exile or in power. Like any other governments which stay in position for nearly two decades, Burma’s exile government, or National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB), has recently come under intense fire from almost all sides.

NCGUB was first formed in 1990 soon after Burma’s one and only democratic general election in so many decades. It was formed by the decision of a secret meeting of elected people’s representatives, which was held at a secret location outside Mandalay, the second largest city in Burma. As the National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, won land-slide victory in 1990 election, their elected MPs at that time were urging military regime to start the process of handing over power. But the regime responded by putting NLD leaders behind bars.

So a group of elected MPs led by Dr Sein Win, a cousin of Aung San Suu Kyi, left to Manerplaw, an area on Thai-Burma border, at that time under control of Karen ethnic resistance force (Karen National Union, KNU). And there on 18 December 1990, with the help of ethnic resistance groups, NCGUB came to existence.

Since then Burma’s political struggle has been stuck in a stalemate. SPDC military regime so far could not, or dare not, get total elimination of democratic opposition because of the overwhelming international support for Burma’s democracy movement. But democratic opposition either could not dislodge military regime because of the sheer strength and brutality of regime’s army.

As NCGUB has been in position for 18 years, people started to wonder how they can remain in position for so many years without any such things as elections for office, etc. Some activists wonder “Aren’t they supposed to be a democratic government, albeit an exile one?” Once such questions started, there usually seem to be no end. Some critics even started to question “with what mandate they formed a government in the first place”.

Recent gaffe made by NCGUB concerning their policy on international sanctions against military regime plunged them to the lowest depths in approval ratings.  

A Minister of NCGUB recently made a remark, while attending the two-day Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) Conference on "Myanmar and Democracies in Transition", that the NCGUB would not seek economic sanctions against the  regime as it would only backfire as China and Russia, considered to have close economic ties with Rangoon, would not support such sanctions.

It caused a bomb-shell among Burmese pro-democracy activists. As Burma’s democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi does not endorse any violent or armed struggle, Burmese activists have to rely to a very large extent on international pressures to force military regime towards democratic reforms. For such international pressures_ with President Bush’s plate already full with Iraq, Afghanistan, North Korea, Iran and Hezbollah_ Burmese activists’ best hope is to get international economic sanctions on the regime.

So it is no wonder that NCGUB minister’s recent claims to avoid sanctions caused furor among activists. Burmese pro-democracy forums, websites and newsgroups on the internet are boiling with criticism on NCGUB’s apparent U-turn in policy. 

To make matters worse, some angry activists dig up dirt and bring out accusations on NCGUB’s financial affairs. Questions arise. How and where they get funds? How can they take huge salaries in Washington when grass-root activists on the ground are rotting as refugees in those god-forsaken camps along Thai-Burma border, and when ethnic minority people are dying like flies in the jungles fleeing ethnic-cleansing attacks by regime’s army?

One angry activist even distributed an open letter in internet forums and email groups accusing at least two of the five Ministers of NCGUB on alleged misuse of political funds.

Some academics wonder how a government can be formed with only five people. Some start to analyze why in the past 18 long years NCGUB has got so little to show as their achievement.

On the other hand, SPDC regime is accusing NCGUB as co-conspirators for the bomb-explosions in Rangoon and other cities in Burma.

And there also is a reactionary group of businessmen and academics with links to the regime. This reactionary group is claiming that they will engage with military regime and persuade military generals to restore democracy in Burma. Although their claims are just as credible as that tigers could be coaxed to eat grass, their engagement idea coupled with Burma’s newly discovered off-shore gas reserves has got attention and interest from the European Union, and causing pain in the neck for mainstream Burmese pro-democracy institutions.

And then, the last straw for NCGUB will come when military regime pass a pro-military constitution and hold a not-so-free-or-fair election and rig votes and prop up a puppet civilian government under control of the military in Burma. In such case, the status of National League for Democracy, NCGUB’s mother party, will become controversial or at least weakened and NCGUB will become unsustainably vulnerable.

As these criticisms become too intense, NCGUB explained their sanctions policy through radio and journal interviews, and also issued a statement on their website. In their statement NCGUB said "The NCGUB fully supports initiatives by the United Sates, the European Union, and other democratic countries, including regional friends of Burma, to bring the Burma issue before the United Nations Security Council and help bring about democratic changes in the country. The NCGUB will continue its efforts to bring about stronger unilateral as well as multilateral action against the Burmese generals until democracy is restored in the country."

The NCGUB information Minister, in a widely distributed open letter, confirmed their position as_ ".....NCGUB will be happy if a better, superior, effective and helpful assembly is constituted and if it could take over the tasks being done by NCGUB whether or not MPs can be party to it." And he also expressed his belief... "NCGUB knows its limitations and boundaries...... Apart from lobby and partial inside task, there are many other obligations to be done such as campaigns, propaganda, and media works etc...... I don't think a jumbo government(exile) alone can end the dictatorship."

It shows NCGUB, as a democratic institution, can embrace constructive criticisms with open arm in a democratic manner. Well done, indeed.

So, we hope that NCGUB will be able to adapt to the changing circumstances of politics and also be able to organize a broad-based support among grass-root Burmese pro-democracy activists around the world.

Dr. Tayza Thuria

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Comments

Moonshine said _

               Dear Tayza, I totally agree with your comments on the NCGUB that if they say they are fighting for freedom and democracy they should also practice what they believe in. According to many critics it seems the NCGUB has not acted democratically when selecting its members for the Government in Exile. Sadly this practice is also true with some other ethnic groups. Some think that because they are the descendents or relations of some famous people they have the right to be leaders of the democratic movements of Burma. They think that they are the only people who know what is right for their people while they pay little heed to the voice of the majority.

               Leaders of democracy movement should act democratically. They will have to change their way of thinking and attitude towards the ordinary people, and put their house in order before they can challenge the enemy. Leaders have to be broad minded, open and consult and listen to the voice of the majority. Only then will they be able to gain trust and respect. If they themselves cannot practice democracy then they cannot expect others to do so.

Loingamong said _

               As far as I know, there are only two other ethnic exiled governments formed in its own liberated territories, namely the Karenni State Government and the Shan Interim Government. Please correct me if I am wrong. I can only presume Moonshine is referring to these when he remarked: " It is also true with some other ethnic groups " attributing them to the election of government(s) under democratic principles.

               Yes indeed! I can speak for the Interim Shan Government. The secret votings took place three times, the latest being on February 27, 2006 in Central Shan State where Shan peoples representative leaders voted overwhelmingly to reaffirm its(ISG) mandate by 54 townships (Seviengs in Shan) out of 56. In stark contrast to NCGUB, the elected members were fully consulted before the formation of the government. Nominations were on the basis of votes and not by merits of linkage to previous ministerial parentage as Moonshine claimed. For example there were two nominations for the ISG Head of State with the one being elected in currency the best fit in compliance with the WILL of the Shan people. The ISG have a well defined agenda to follow and target oriented, set down by a consensus of cabinet members. It strictly adheres to accountability and transparency in its conduct of policies and to a certain extent open to scrutiny, security permitting.

Saw Winston Taw said _

Personally I do not think campaigns, propaganda, media works and what not will bring about the restoration of freedom for Burma. Freedom never comes cheaply, and I am one who maintains, and always will, that democracy cannot be achieved in Burma without bloodshed. The longer it goes on, the deeper they will be dug in and harder to get rid of. Our role models are Sinn Fein & IRA, two faces towards one cause.

 

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